Daisy Valerio is the wife of Filipino disappeared Nilo Valerio.  She is also a co-founder of the Nilo Valerio Foundation.  As a former AFAD, council member, she happened to integrate herself with the Relatives Committee of the May 1992 Heroes. 

Thailand is popularly known as one of the most prosperous and most beautiful countries in Asia. According to the official records of the government in 2002, its population was 62,095,419, 82% of whom live in rural areas. About 15% of the labor force is composed of workers in the rice industry, sugar refining, textile and clothing industry including the manufacture of cement, motor vehicles, cigarettes and various chemicals and petroleum products.  Thailand is the second largest rice exporter after the United States. It is also famous for the production of silk textile.  Aside from this, its beautiful beaches are strong attractions to tourists from all over the world making tourism one of the country’s big sources of earnings.     

However, just like in the different countries of Asia and in other developing countries in the world, the gap between the rich and the poor has been growing wider and wider in Thai society over the years. On top of this, the military, through a series of coup d’e tat, has intermittently controlled the country since 1932.  Paradoxically, despite its very unstable political situation, Thailand is one of the first members of the United Nations, having been accepted as the 55th member on December 15, 1946. 

Under Thailand’s 1991 Constitution, the king is the head of state and the Commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The cabinet is headed by the prime minister who, in theory, is the country’s chief executive. In practice though, high level military officers play a key role in government. Based on the amendment of the Constitution in 1992, “…the prime minister must be an elected member of the House of Representatives. He may take any step necessary to preserve the stability of the throne, maintain public order and ensure a smooth economy.” (Encarta Encyclopedia 1999)    

Over the past decades, the Thai people had been struggling for freedom and democracy and would time and again resort to uprisings. Thousands of freedom-loving Thai people especially among the students and the young had shed their blood for love of country. The more recent uprisings were that of October 14, 1973, October 6, 1976 and May 17-20, 1992.    

The May 1992 Event

The May 1992 Event was one of the bloodiest uprisings in Thailand over the recent decades. This was prompted by a coup in 1991 committed by a group of top army men. The coup succeeded in overthrowing the elected civilian government.  Right after the coup, the National Peace Keeping Council (NPKC), which served as an interim government, was appointed. This was with the promise that a general election was to be called a few months later to restore the democratic government. The people looked forward to this national election.    

To the contrary, on April 7, 1992, General Suchinda Kraprayoon, one of the coup leaders and a member of the NPKC, declared himself as prime minister. This is even while he had promised earlier that he would not take the post. This angered the people all over Thailand. From May 17 to the 20th of that year, thousands marched at the Royal Plaza Hotel and Ratchademneon Avenue in Bangkok demanding the resignation of General Kraprayoon from the premiership.  In addition to those coming from the cities, people from the rural areas came by buses to join the peaceful protest.  

Without much ado, the Army had violently suppressed the peaceful mobilization.  The video documentary of the event shows men in uniform deliberately shooting at unarmed civilians. In the midst of the extremely chaotic situation, dead bodies were left lying on the street while others ran for their life to no avail. Photographs including video documentaries immortalize this cruel four-day event in Thai history. Witnesses declared that a busload of people who were to join the protest was unceremoniously fired at by the army, after which they burned the whole vehicle so that none of the freedom fighters managed to escape. The army had allegedly loaded the corpses in their trucks and brought them to unknown places. During the four-day protest, hundreds or more than a thousand demonstrators were seriously wounded and had became disabled, killed or were made to disappear. 

According to families and relatives, most of the victims were freedom and democracy fighters but there were also some who were vendors or were at the demonstration site out of curiosity.  Most of the victims were breadwinners so that their families were not only psychologically affected but were also economically displaced. The May 1992 Event left orphans, widows, widowers and old parents who were mostly depending on the victims for survival. 

Due to the military’s strict censorship of the media, the report on the event was never completed.   The people had reported that around 1,000 persons were killed, a big part of whom were missing but the government had accepted only 42. Later, the Ministry of Interior and the Hotline Centers had reported the victims as follows: dead – 22, disappeared – 293, disabled – 11, seriously injured – 47 and wounded – 505. (Commemorate the eight years after the May 1992 Event published in 2000 by the Relatives Committee of the May 1992 Heroes)               

When the situation calmed down, the Ministry of Interior and the Department of Social Welfare had set up offices to receive the complaints on the missing and other victims. Various non-governmental organizations and the Mahidol University had set up “Hotlines” for the same purpose.  A few months after the event, the army officers, in an effort to clean their names, had invited representatives of civic organizations and the press to see the sites where the corpses were allegedly dumped but nothing was found.  Despite this though, the families and relatives never believed that the military had nothing to do with the disappearance of their loved ones.  Most of them had started to search for their missing loved ones right after the event. In their efforts to find the disappeared, they went to government agencies, to the “Hotlines,” hospitals, morgues and all places wherein they could possibly find clues on the whereabouts of their loved ones. But then, even hospitals withheld the information concerning their forensic examination because they were very much afraid of the military’s reprisal.    

Right after the May 1992 Event, the government had declared a Pardon Provision or an Amnesty Law for the perpetrators claiming that what was done was in the interest of national security. For its part, Amnesty International, a globally-known human rights organization, aptly called the event – “the Massacre in Bangkok.” (Amnesty International, “Thailand: The Massacre in Bangkok, October 1992”)         

The Relatives Committee of the May 1992 Heroes

The grief-stricken families and relatives came to know each other while they were searching for their missing loved ones. Their unsuccessful individual efforts soon led them to the setting up of their organization, the Relatives Committee of the May 1992 Heroes. First and foremost, they wanted to continue to collectively search for their missing loved ones and keep on with their campaign for justice.  Central to the work of the organization is to search for the truth and to help each other heal their emotional and psychological wounds. The families and relatives want to know what exactly happened to their loved ones – if they are, indeed, already dead, at least the remains must be properly cremated.  However, the investigation report of the Ministry of Interior failed to give any clue as to the whereabouts of the missing or even their remains.            

Another investigating team headed by General Pichit Kullawanich finished its report in 1999.  The Relatives Committee was hoping that the report could shed light on the cases of the disappeared. The Prime Minister, Mr. Chuan Leekphai, had initially denied that he received such a report. However, due to public pressure, he eventually accepted the existence of the report but that according to him, four commanders of the military - the royal air force, the royal navy, the army and the supreme commander – had to give their permission before this could be disclosed.  

Convening on June 28, 1999, the Defense Council passed a resolution allowing the disclosure of the report but only eight pages out of the total 600 pages could be disclosed.  They have cited a clause in the Act of Official Information which allows the authorities to conceal certain information for security reasons.  As a reaction to this, the Relatives Committee held a moving demonstration towards the end of August 1999 to protest against the resolution and demand that the report be fully disclosed.  But their call pathetically landed on the deaf ears of the Thai authorities.  

Over the years, the Relatives Committee of the May 1992 Heroes made concrete actions in line with their campaign for justice for their loved ones. Among these are:

Supporting 39 relatives who filed a lawsuit against five leaders of the NPKC

With the case, the families and relatives demanded that the five military leaders during the May Event be punished for sending troops to shoot the peaceful demonstrators. Secondly, a compensation for those who lost their family members was also demanded. Moreover, in order for the truth to be ferreted out, undergoing the justice process was underscored as the only solution. On April 5, 1995, the five defendants pleaded against the charge.  

Resorting to the Pardon Provision passed by the cabinet right after the May 1992 Event, they maintained that what they did was a necessary response to preserve national security and peace. The plaintiffs asserted that such a provision was unlawful, that it was not passed under normal procedure and that the defendants cannot be exempted from their crimes.  

The plaintiffs fought it out all the way to the Constitution Committee and the Supreme Court but all the courts maintained the innocence of the defendants.  They asserted that the endorsement of the Pardon Provision was unjustified under a democracy, for it reflected the interference of administrative power over the affairs of the judicial power. Nevertheless, none of these arguments were taken into account by the judges. Furthermore, the government never granted appropriate compensation to the families and relatives of the victims.  

Campaign Against the Pardon Provision 

Clearly enough, the Pardon Provision is a big stumbling block in the campaign for justice for the victims during the May 1992 Event.  Thus, the Relatives Committee continues to campaign for its abolition.  However, the government and the Constitution have maintained such a provision so that the perpetrators remain free to this writing.  Just like amnesty laws of other countries, this provision perpetuates impunity.

Constructing a Monument in Memory of the Victims

An important part of the justice campaign of the Relatives Committee is the construction of a monument at the site of the May 1992 Event. With this, a museum and a park will be set up and pictures of the event will be displayed on the wall. Aside from being a memorial for the victims, the monument will also serve as a glaring proof of the gross human rights violation the Thai government did to its very people in May 1992. When the monument is set up, this would serve as a part of the foundation of the justice campaign of the Relatives Committee.

Commemoration of the May 1992 Event from May 17-20 every year

Since several years ago, the Relatives Committee has been leading the   commemoration of the May 1992 event through a series of activities from May 17-20 every year in Bangkok.  An important part of the campaign is for the government to declare these dates as red letter days in memory of the victims of the May 1992 event.

Rehabilitation work among the families and relatives of the victims

The Relatives Committee helps its members heal their wounds. The very existence of the organization and its linkage with organizations of the disappeared from other Asian countries especially through AFAD is a source of strength for the members. For their part, members of the organization give moral support to one another and help each other face life bravely as they keep on with their justice campaign. Their mere togetherness especially during the activities of the organization is a source of strength for them as this reminds them that they are not alone in this long-drawn struggle for justice.        

The creation of the Commission for Truth and Justice of the May 1992 Event (JUSMET)

The JUSMET is a special task force created by the Relatives Committee. Its mission is to raise awareness within the international community regarding the campaign for justice for the victims of the May 1992 Event. JUSMET links up the struggle of the Relatives Committee to the regional and international levels.              

For the families and relatives of the victims during the May 1992 Event, life was never the same again after their loved ones had suddenly disappeared.  Thus, they keep on with their campaign for justice even if this is a long and arduous one. They continue to help one another in the best possible way and inspire one another to keep on.  They hold fund-raising activities to generate the resources they need in the implementation of their programs including support for their most needy members.  Aside from their activities in their home country, they also join efforts with families, relatives and friends of victims of involuntary disappearance in other countries especially through their involvement in AFAD.  Among others, they want to ensure that events similar to that of May 1992 will never happen again in their beautiful country.